The Battle of Belgrade

In his classic work East and West, the French scholar René Guénon noted modern man’s quest to transform the world in his own image and likeness. The materialism and spiritual disorder that reign in our age are to be imposed everywhere:

If [Westerners] merely took pleasure in affirming their imagined superiority, the illusion would only do harm to themselves; but the most terrible offense is their proselytizing fury: in them the spirit of conquest goes under the disguise of ‘moralist’ pretexts, and in the name of ‘liberty’ they would force the whole world to imitate them!

Nearly a century has passed since Guénon wrote this passage, but his thoughts retain all of their original relevance. Today’s Western elites have globalized their model of social chaos, an achievement they proclaim the inexorable advance of progress. They, the masters of history, possess the wisdom and technocratic expertise to will into being a free and equal garden of earthly delights; the defiant shall be crushed.

Yet events didn’t run according to script on October 10th in Belgrade, Serbia. What was supposed to be a triumphal march of the Open Society in the capital of a vanquished nation met determined and forceful opposition. That Sunday President Boris Tadic’s pro-EU government pushed forward with the Belgrade Pride Parade, a familiar and by now non-controversial affair in the contemporary West. Accompanying around 1,000 marchers were five times as many riot police and Interior Ministry gendarmes in American digital-pattern camouflage. And that’s where the choreography spun out of control. Thousands of young men from various Serbian rightist groups took to the streets and engaged in skirmishes with police, as well as attacking government buildings and Tadic’s Democratic Party headquarters.

The riots were a rude awakening for the promoters and protectors of Serbia’s ceremony of capitulation to the Brave New World. In addition to numerous high-ranking EU tolerance-monitors, U.S. Ambassador Mary Warlick was also present to oversee the festivities. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would visit within only two days, and the Tadic government was scrambling to meet Washington’s expectations on a number of fronts. The Serbian president could publicly avoid recognizing Kosovo’s independence while de facto acknowledging its existence in order to please Washington and the EU, but he could not practice such sleight-of-hand against his people with Belgrade Pride. Instead of its intended role as an overt admission of national and cultural defeat, this particular exhibition provoked a punishing reaction. The Serbs are refusing to surrender.

The Serbian nation has etched out an impressive record of resistance to occupying powers over the course of many bloody centuries. In his fateful battle against the Ottoman horde at Kosovo Field in 1389 Tsar Lazar may have fallen, but the will of his people remained unbroken even under the Turkish yoke. In the Second World War, Chetnik and Partisan fighters made life for Wehrmacht divisions in the Balkans positively miserable.

U.S. strategic planners took the Serbs’ reputation for mangling invaders into account during 1999’s Operation Allied Force, aimed at detaching Albanian-heavy Kosovo from then-Yugoslavia by way of intensive aerial bombardment. President Bill Clinton pulled off his casualty-free made-for-TV war, and NATO took control of the province (The demand for zero casualties, of course, in no way concerned Serb civilians). Tending to its new Islamic statelets in the Balkans didn’t bring Washington the satisfaction it wanted, though. U.S. policymakers have sought over the past decade to both discipline Serbia and prepare it for eventual absorption into the postmodern West.

After Slobodan Milosevic was coerced into relinquishing Kosovo and the skies were clear of NATO jets, U.S. efforts to bring him down accelerated. While Milosevic was an unjust ruler, Washington simply looked to replace him with figures more amenable to its designs and ideological fetishes, and to do this it employed innovative methods of covert action. Exhibit A is the liberal youth movement Otpor, “resistance”, which mobilized the Serbian masses with rock concerts and guerrilla marketing. Media-savvy Otpor also had a networked organizational structure and generous financial help from Western foundations, not to speak of training provided by former U.S. intelligence officers. Given the evidence, it is a safe bet that the CIA and associated nongovernmental outfits like the National Endowment for Democracy and the International Republican Institute engineered Milosevic’s ouster in late 2000.

The way was thus paved for a leadership in Belgrade that would ultimately comply with U.S.wishes. The current pro-Western Tadic government will tacitly accept the status of Kosovo, stand down on the issue of its compatriots in Bosnia and permit all sorts of grotesqueries if an EU membership package is on its way. There is much more at stake, however, than evenSerbia’s future; recent events there are but flashpoints in a wider struggle. There still rages a war for the European soul, regardless of how desperate the position of traditionalists today might seem. The October 10th clash only happened to revolve around whether sodomy is a sublime act or a violation of natural and divine laws.

To dwell in the good graces of American power, a renegade state must convincingly demonstrate fealty and know its subjugation. Where vassals once paid tribute in gold talents, they now hold parades in honor of the pseudo-sacraments of egalitarianism. If the Empire is to bestow absolution upon a chastened Serbia, that country’s government must show its commitment to deviance as a social institution and embrace it, indeed cherish it, before a world audience. The morale of Serbs is to be so thoroughly pulverized that they mark their humiliation by staging on a Sunday the precise inversion of an Orthodox sacral procession.

The Belgrade Pride march makes a fitting symbol for the near-final phases of the anti-traditional attack. After the cruise missiles and the velvet coup comes the need for “reconciliation” and “integration into Euro-Atlantic structures”. Once a government performs the rites of obeisance to the idol of democracy and its high priests in Washington and Brussels, the stage is set for dissolution. Balkans expert Srdja Trifkovic saw this clearly in the riots’ aftermath:

The regime of Serbia’s Euro-Integrators led by President Boris Tadic is brutally efficient in clamping down on those “extremists” who dare protest the promotion of sodomy and who dislike the imposition of psychopathological “norms” imposed by the regime’s foreign mentors. It is good at normalizing criminality and criminalizing normality.

Quite rapidly we witness the secular assault on Christianity and its role in society, a campaign bankrolled by Western NGOs. Following but a step behind will be efforts to annihilate the very notion of one’s ethnic heritage and the introduction of populations from incompatible and often hostile cultures. And throughout it all, the destruction of the family enables the swift transformation of culture and polity into another hedonist-consumer node of the Open Society.

An act such as sodomy is primarily narcissistic and consumptive, as it tears sex away from its sacred, creative purpose. In willing such a deed, man turns away from his very purpose, unity with the Transcendent. It is at root a function of self-worship, which is the true meaning behind liberal faith. Whatever its glamour and false glory, the slide from debased sensuality into nothingness is a poor substitute for the communion of generations under God. The isolation of sex from its higher source gives rise to a bestial lust and the exaltation of self, but will only end in man’s enslavement and spiritual death.

We peer into an abyss, yet decadence and oblivion are not our destiny. Through the acrid haze of tear gas in Belgrade, we might glimpse the outlines of a counteroffensive on the horizon. Any victories worth suffering for will be won by hearts ever faithful and true.